.fMI 



HoUinger Corp. 
pH8.5 



DEMOCRACY alias SLAVERY 



E 438 
.ni4 
Copy 1 



s r E E (; 11 



OP 



HON. JAS. B. McKEAN, OF NEW YORK. 



Delivered in the U. S. House of Kepresentatives, June 6, 1860. 

• 



The House being in the Committee of the Whole 
on the state of the Union — 

Mr. McKEANsaid: 

Mr. Chairman : " The South rules 
supreme in the councils of the Democ- 
racy." So said a Southern Opposition 
member of the last Congress. And he 
gave it as his reason for uniting with 
the Democratic party. How true the 
statement, and what a spectacle has 
that party exhibited to the world, be- 
cause of such Southern supremacy ! How 
changeable, and yet steadily sectional, 
has been the policy of the South ! Look 
at it, sir. When the Southern rulers 
of the Democracy coveted Missouri 
for a slave State, they said it was 
constitutional for Congress to pro- 
hibit slavery in the Territories. When 
they coveted Kansas for the same pur- 
pose, they said it was unconstitu- 
tional for Congress to prohibit sla- 
very in the Territories. Wlien they 
considered themselves strong enough 
forcibly to plant slavery in free soil, 
they said, " Leave the question to the 
settlers." Wlien the settlers plucked 
up slavery by the roots, they said that 



I that was unconstitutional, and that Con- 
I gross must protect slavery in the Terri- 
tories. When they meant to violate the 
compromise of 1820, they said it had 
been virtually repealed by that of 1850, 
inasmuch as the latter neither estab- ■ 
lished nor prohibited slavery in New 
Mexico ; whereas the compromise of 
1820, itself, neither established nor 
prohibited slavery south of the desig- 
nated line. When Mr. Cobb would 
probably be chosen Speaker of this 
House, they said that the plurality rule 
was constitutional. When Mr. Sher- 
man would probably be chosen, they 
said that that rule was unconstitutional. 
Sir, the Constitution is generally 
supposed to be a fundamental law, firm 
as granite. But there are those who 
seem to regard it as a spring-board, on 
which to turn summersets. These 
Southern rulers of the Democracy re- 
quire that party to believe, or to profess 
to believe, that stolid barbarism fosters 
the highest style of civilization; that 
the structure of white society must 
have a black foundation ; and that the 
tree of liberty will grow only in the 



c«*> 



barren, shifting quicksands of slavery ; I he said of the slavery question 

and they arc rapidly convincing the 

rest of the world that Dahomian and 

Southern Democratic politics are the 

same. 

Recently, at the Charleston Conven- 
tion, this sectional supremacy ■was, for 
the first time, mildly opposed hy the 
Northern Democracy ; and the South 
contemptuously spurned their Northei-n 
allies, and arrogantly took to themselves 
the name of " the Democratic States." 
Sir, the supreme South is ruling the 
Democracy to death. 

[Thus far Mr. McKean spoke on the 
evening of June 6, when he was inter- 
rupted by a call of the roll, demanded 
by Mr. Craige, of North Carolina. 
The House continued in session all 
night. The next morning, the speaker 
resumed his remarks.] 

Mr. Chairman, this is no time for me 
to make a speech. A few remarks must 
suffice. Last evening, I should have 
been brief; this morning, I shall be 
still briefer. Many considerations 
prompt me to be so. Not the least 
among them is the exhaustion conse- 
quent upon a sleepless night. 

Sir, the statesman from whom I have 
quoted uttered but part of the truth. 
He should also have said, " The South- 
cm Democracy rules supreme in the 
councils of the country." And what a 
spectacle has our country exhibited to 
the world, because of this supremacy ! 
Opposed to a reasonable tariif to encour- 
age free labor ; opposed to a Pacific 
railroad, so located as best to promote 
the interests of the whole country ; op- 
posed to free homes for free men, the 
South demands that slavery shall be 
extended and strengthened. The su- 
premacy of the South is the supremacy 
of slavery. The gentleman from Ala- 
bama [Mr. CloptonJ P]jokV truly when 



It 

overshadows all other questions." In 
the language of that distinguished man, 
whose illustrious career terminated in 
the old Hall, just without that door, 
and whose distinguished son now sits in 
this Hall, just within that door — in the 
language, I say, of John Quincy Ad- 
ams — 

" The preservation, propagation, and 
' perpetuation of slavery constitutes 
' the vital and animating spirit of the 
' National Government." 

Last evening, I should have spoken 
in brief detail of the conduct of the 
Southern Democracy towards the Ter- 
ritories. An instance or two must now 
suffice. 

Look back a few years, and behold 
the fair young Kansas, with her brow 
and waist adorned by the hand of Na- 
ture with wreaths and girdles of flowers. 
See how she is assailed by that ruffian, 
Slavery. See how she struggles to tear 
herself from the grasp of the monster, 
Avhile Democratic Presidents, and Cab- 
inets, and Senators, and Representa- 
tives, with locked arms, form the ring 
around. Look again. She is free. 
Thank God, she is free, and her virtue 
is unsullied. Her lately bloody garments 
are replaced by robes of spotless white. 
And, coming up through great tribula- 
tion, and leaning on the arm of her Con- 
way, this fair half-sister of ours now 
stands at the threshold of the Capitol. 
Hasten, sir ; open the door, and let her 
come into the sisterhood of States. We 
shall see if the Dahomian Democracy 
will again slam the door in her face. 

Turn your attention to the Territory 
of New Mexico. Not only has slavery 
been established there, where it was pro- 
hibited by the laws of Mexico, but the 
votaries of slavery have enacted laws 
giving the masters of hired servants the 



Waet.BeB.filsk.BMk 



right to -whip tbem, and denying sucli 
servants all redress therefor in the courts. 
I shall make no comments on such laws. 
No comments are necessary to disclose 
their more than Draconian atrocity. 

The rulers of the Democracy and of 
the country now claim that neither Con- 
gress nor Territorial Legislatures, nor 
any human power, can keep slavery out 
of the Territories, and that Congress 
must protect it there. Thus do they 
seek to make slavery absolute emperor, 
dictator, czar. In the language of Cas- 
eins M. Clay, the noble Kentuckian, who 
is adding new lustre to both his Ro- 
man and American name — 

" The slave oligarchy began by ask- 
* ing neutrality in the National Govern- 
' ment, then equality with freedom, and 
' at last supremacy.'''' 

Turn from the Territories, and see 
what effect the supremacy of slavery is 
having upon the States. Sir, as one 
wayward member of a family may dis- 
turb the happiness of all the rest, so 
one Southern member of this family of 
States has more than once disturbed the 
harmony of the Union. Recently she 
sent an ambassador extraordinary, and 
proposed — ay, we are told, that in the 
very hall where Aaron Burr was tried 
on suspicion of treason, she proposed to 
a sister State that they join in an act 
akin to treason. On a former occasion 
she tried a nullification experiment. 
General Jackson was about to teach her 
better, when Henry Clay interposed a 
compromise. The motives of the " great 
pacificator" were patriotic. But, look- 
ing back upon those transactions in the 
light of subsequent events, we see reason 
to regret that the stern Jackson was not 
permitted to take hold of this refractory 
member of the family with his hickory 
hand. She would have behaved better 
ever afterwards. 



New York, supposing herself to be a 
sovereign State, decreed that a slave, 
coming by the consent of his master 
within her jurisdiction, should be free. 
Under such circumstances, she liberated 
the Lemmon slaves. Private individuals 
then paid the owner the full value of the 
slaves. Should not that have been the 
end of the matter 1 But Virginia dis- 
putes the sovereignty of New York, and 
brings her into court to compel her to 
be a slave State. Tell me, New 
York, my mother State, tell me, could 
any power on earth make thee a subject, 
and Virginia thy sovereign 1 Could all 
the standing armies of all the despotisms 
of Europe annex thee as a new domain 
to the Old Dominion 1 Let the courts 
consider long and well before they at- 
tempt it. 

Mr. LEAKE, of Virginia. V^ill the 
gentleman answer me a question 1 

The CHAIRMAN. Does the gen- 
tleman from New York yield to the gen- 
tleman from Virginia 1 

Mr. McKEAN. For six months I 
have sat here in silence, save when an- 
swering to the call of my name. Last 
evening I obtained the floor, and have 
been interrupted for twelve hours. I 
cannot yield. 

I must not omit, in this connection, 
briefly to speak of the affair at Harper's 
Ferry. Sir, as the "reign of terror" 
legitimately succeeded the reign of the 
Bourbons ; as the Sepoy rebellion was 
the natural consequence of the East In- 
dia Company's misrule ; so did lawless, 
pro-slavery violence, on the borders of 
Missouri and Kansas, beget the ofi'spring 
afterwards brought forth at Harper's 
Ferry. And then, too vicious to be 
ashamed, but so timid as to be afraid of 
that ofi'spring, the Southern Democracy 
sought to lay it on the doorsteps of the 
Ftepublican party. The gentleman from 



r 



Alabama [Mr. Curry] -R-as so just and 
generous as to say : 

" From the bottom of my h^-art I do 

* acquit the Republican party from all 

* connection with that raid Avhich -ivas 

* made into Virginia." 

All sensible men know, and all just 
and generous men admit, that it is right 
thus to acquit the Republicans. 

But why is it that the South is 
alarmed? Why is it that even her 
brave men are alarmed, as though they 
saw an apparition? John Brown, in- 
visible to us, is ever and anon awfully 
visible and audible to them. How is 
this ? Is not John Brown dead ? Did 
not the United States conquer him ? And 
afterwards, did not Virginia kill him 1 
Ah ! sir, he seems to be like the great 
wild boar, Scrimner, in the Northern 
Mythology, that was killed every day fur 
an oflFering to the gods in Valhalla, and 
came to life again every night. Sir, I do 
not blame even brave men for being 
afraid. He who builds his domicile on 
the side of a volcano, or where earth- 
quakes prevail, has aright to be afraid — 
ought to be afraid. But is it not ama- 
zing that any one should demand that 
the structure of society in the Territo- 
ries should be built on the volcanic 
foundations of slavery 7 

In the light of the affair at Harper's 
Ferry, how clearly is seen the vast dif- 
ference between slave and free society — 
the insecurity of the one, the safety and 
Stability of the other. Could that affair 
have happened in a free State, the police 
would have intervened, the law would 
have had its quiet course, and society 
would have been disturbed about as 
much as the ocean is disturbed by the 
falling of a pebble. Sir, a slave State 
is balanced on a point, like a boulder on 
a craggy summit ; the hayd of a child 
can rock it ; one man'^* qt'to can hurl it 



4 

into the anarchical abyss below. A free 
State stands like a p}-ramid on the 
plain— nor winds, nor floods, nor thun- 
derbolts, can beat it down, nor the 
weight of centuries can crush it. 

Though purposely abridging my re- 
marks, I cannot overlook the Southern 
Democracy as exhibited here in the Fed- 
eral Capitol. Congress convenes ; and 
day after day, for weeks and months, on 
the highest notes in tenor, on the lowest 
in double-bass, with the gestures, tropes, 
and idioms, peculiar to the Anglo-Congo 
school of oratory, they clamor against 
Northern men — 

" Loud aa the wolTes on Orciis' 3torray steep, 
Howl to the roarings of the northern deep." 

And because the " northern deep " 
will not roar, but will be calm, the noise 
from Slavery-s " stormy steep " is the 
louder and the longer. At length, amid 
the deafening din, made by others, and 
not by himself, a usually self-poised 
gentleman from Virginia cried out, in 
tones of bitter complaint, that the Re- 
publicans sat here " in sullen and almost 
contemptuous silence." Sir, if one of 
the ancients could have come back to 
earth, and from that gallery have wit- 
nessed the composure on this side, and 
the clamor on that, would he not have 
exclaimed, " Are these the Senators of 
Rome? Are those the chiefs of Bren- 
nus ? " And all this clamor, sir, is 
about John Brown, a dead man, and a 
pamphlet written for white men, and 
which slaves cannot read ! 

We are repeatedly told, by gentlemen 
on the other side of the House, that the 
North must send other men to this Fed- 
eral council — must send " national and 
conservative men." They are so kind 
as to tell us who are " national and con- 
servative." And as nearly as I can 
understand the definition, they are those 
Southern men who hold that slavery is 



God's vicegerent upon earth, and those 
.Northern men -who fall down and wor- 
ship it as divine. Such men, they tell 
us, are alone fit to represent the people. 
Sir, in the ancient days of i^^sop, 
when quadrupeds were endoAved with the 
power of speech, the wolves sent an em- 
bassy to the sheep, saying, " Let us 
' hereafter live in peace, as good ncigh- 
' bors. Those watch-dogs of yours make 
' all the trouble. Send them away, and 
' we shall live in harmony and union." 
The thoughtless sheep sent away the 
dogs. But hardly were they out of sight, 
when the " national and conservative " 
wolves leaped into the fold, slaughtered 
the sheep, and sucked their blood. To 
the people of the North, the history of 
the punic faith of the wolves towards the 
sheep has a moral. They will not call 
down their sentinels from the' walls. 
They will not send away their watch- 
dogs. 

Let not the South suppose that the 
North can be induced to recall from the 
outposts which he has so long defended, 
from the councils which he has so long 
instructed and adorned, the Washington 
of this war, the Jefferson of this revolu- 
tion. Sir, I am not about to defend that 
eminent man. Senator Seward, from 
the assaults of the Democracy. No, 
not at all. When he needs to be de- 
fended, his own left hand will do it. 
But, sir, what scenes have we here be- 
held 1 What Democratic dwarf has 
taken the floor, that has not shaken his 
tiny shillalah at this giant 1 See how 
they tug and toil to tumble pebbles in 
his pathway, supposing them to be 
boulders. Look, what coils of ropes 
they bring to bind him ! Ropes 1 No, 
they are but the ravelings of the once 
strong cord of Democracy. Sir, do you 
not remember the " Strong Man," Kwa- 1 
sind, in the song of Hiawatha 7 | 



" Now, this wondroug strength of Kwasind, 
In his crown alone was seated." 

Do you not remember " the envious 
little people, the Puk-Wudjics 1 " 
Hark, how .they conspire against the 
" Strong Man : " 

" If this great, outrageous fellow, 
Goes on thus a little longer, 
Tearing everything he touches, 
Rending everything to pieces, 
Filling all the world with wonder, 
What becomes of the Puk-Wudjies ? 
Who will care for the Puk-Wudjies ? 
He will tread us down like mushrooms." 

But, sir, the statesman is greater than 
the " Strong Man ; " for, unlike the lat- 
ter, the former grows greater and strong- 
er with each successive encounter. In 
the other end of the Capitol, behold the 
great statesman of New York ; behold 
there and here his Democratic enemies ; 
and then tell me, sir, do you think it 
more than a step from the sublime to 
the ridiculous? 

Gentlemen have been so puerile as to 
suppose that they could intimidate us 
by threats. One would have us believe 
that "the people" would come here 
and hurl us from our seats. Sir, when 
those people to whom the gentleman 
refers shall come in here to hurl us 
from our seats, though we are but few 
more than a hundred men, we shall ask 
for no quarter. The historian of the 
future may record whether we shall 
have needed any. 

The gentleman from Mississippi [Mr. 
Davis] said to us : 

" When you presented Fremont as a 
' sectional candidate for the Presidency, 
' * * * you undertook to seize the 
' Government for yourselves. * * * 
' In doing that, you were guilty of or- 
' ganizing rebellion against the Govern- 
■ ment. * * * y^^ ^^^ going 
' to bring the navy and army to put 



< 



' down this rebellion. That is what -we 
' mean to do ; and we will hang tihe last 
' one of 3-011." 

I would have that gentleman under- 
stand that my constituents, not a few of 
whom are sons of sires who sleep be- 
neath the battle-field of Saratoga, have 
read this threat of his with as much 
composure as is consistent with laugh- 
ter. They regard his demonstration as 
about as formidable as that of General 
Tom Thumb, armed with a tin sword, 
slashing at the boot-legs of his keeper. 

Others tell us that the South will 
manufacture for herself, and withdraw 
her trade from us. Sir, let her proceed 
with her manufactures and her home in- 
dustry. She can do nothing that will 
so soon strangle slavery, and nothing 
that will so promote the prosperity of 
the North. Is not New York benefited 
by the prosperity of Massachusetts, and 
Ohio by that of Pennsylvania 7 So will 
the North and the South each be bene- 
fited by the progress and prosperity of 
the other. 

Parton, in his Life of Jackson, says : 

" To go southward is to make a jour- 
' ney into the Past. Travel twenty-four 
' hours into the Southern States, and 

* then get ten miles away from the rail- 
' road, and you have arrived at Sixty- 

* Years- Ago." 

Sir, let the South awake from her 
Rip Van Winkle sleep, and soon the 
incubus of slavery will cease forever to 
benumb her energies. Let her turn her 
attention to all departments of manual 
industry and intellectual inquiry, and 
she will thereby create demands which 
ignorant, indolent slave labor cannot 
meet, and which intelligent, industrious 
free labor can alone sui)ply. 

We are told that the Union is in dan- 
ger. Wlicnce and why this sound of 
uluiin ? J-)oe3 any Republican threaten 



I the Union, or even predict its dissolu- 
tion ? No, not one. Does any Amer- 
ican, North or ^outh, avow hostility to 
the Union? I have not heard one. 
From whom, then, the danger, and from 
whom the warning 1 Ah, sir, the dan- 
ger, if there is danger, and the warning, 
come from the same source. It is a 
noticeable fact, that no one anywhere 
ever knows or hears that the Union is 
in danger until the Democracy tell of it, 
and they never tell of it until they them- 
selves are in danger. When defeat 
stares them in the face, they insolently 
tell us that if we overthrow them they 
will overthrow the Union. All the time 
holding the helm themselves, they cry 
out with horror, and upbraid the passen- 
gers because the Ship of State has got 
into the outer whirls of a maelstrom ; 
and when we, the passengers, ask that 
the vessel be put about, while yet it 
may be done, they declare that if we 
insist upon that, they will scuttle the 
ship, and sink the passengers, crew, and 
cargo, all together. Ho ! men of Amer- 



ica, arise to the 



! All hands on 



deck ! Let us save the vessel and her 
precious freight, and, if need be, cast 
the corsairs ovei board. If that be mu- 
tiny, " make the most of it." 

Behold the policy, behold the practice 
of these men ; the policy — rule or ruin ; 
the practice — rule and ruin. 

I shall quote but one of the scores of 
Southern Democratic members who have 
threatened the Union. The gentleman 
from Georgia [Mr. Crawford] says : 

" We have four million slaves. * 
' * * We demand expansion. We 
' will have expansion.''^ 

And again : 

" Tiiis question has resolved itself at 
' last into a question of slavery and dis- 
' union, or no slavery and union." 

Sir, let the gentleman tell the people 



of the North, as he tells us, that slavery 
and the Union cannot both exist ; that 
the one must destroy the other ; but that 
slavery shall be maintained and expand- 
ed ; and, iiTOspective of party, they will 
answer him, " Then slavery must die." 
They know that it is a greedy monster, 
whose hunger is whetted by what it feeds 
upon. If you cast it a State, it seizes 
it, coils around it, crushes it, swallows 
it. If you cast it a Territory, it takes 
it down as though it were but a morsel. 
Hold ! sir ; stay your hand, give it no 
more food ; let it digest or disgorge what 
it has, and then let it starve. 

I must hasten to a conclusion. The 
question is now presented to the mil- 
lions of Northern men, whether they 
will be intimidated by threats, and, like 
cravens, permit the country still to be 
misruled by men who, while in power, 
avow that they will be traitors when out 
of power 1 I think, sir, that the result 
will show to an admiring world that 
those millions of men fear traitors less 
than they abhor tyrants ; and then we 
shall see whether these disunionists will 
rebel against the Government, as they 
say they will, or whether they will 
merely call a convention at New Gas- 
cony, and adopt some resolutions. 



" Did the militia stand fire? " asked 
Washington, when he heard of the first 
battle of the Revolution. " Did the 
militia stand fire'?" He well knew 
that, if they did, the day of victory 
would soon come ; and so it did. Soon 
the battle of Saratoga was fought and 
won ; and then came our allies, the 
French, giving assurance of other victo- 
ries and final triumph. In 185G, led 
by Fremont and Dayton, the freemen 
of this land stood fire. Then they 
fought their Bunker's Hill. Now they 
are led by Lincoln and Hamlin. In 
the morning, at Borodino, Napoleon ex= 
claimed, " Yonder is the sun of Aus- 
terlitz ! " Who in this army of free- 
men does not see the dawn of the day -of 
victory ? We shall have our Saratoga, 
and then we shall have our allies — not 
aliens, but sons of the South. The no- 
blest men amongst them will declare for 
us, giving assurance of the final triumph 
of our principles ; and the South, no 
longer old in her youth, will stand erect, 
rejuvenated, as though she had bathed 
in the Fountain of Youth ; and the 
North and the South, each accepting 
the friendly challenge of the other, will 
run a race of generous and glorious ri- 
valry down the ages. 



WASHINGTON, D. C. 

BUELL & BLANCHARD, PRINTERS. 
1860. 



L^,^;;«RY OF CONGRESS 

II9IBII!lii 



PRESIDENTIAL CAMrAIGN" OF 18G0. 



;«'«|-* 



REl'UBLICAN EXECUTIVE CONGllESSTONAL COMMITTEE. 



HON. PRK8T0X KING, N. Y., Chairman. 
" J. W. GllIMKS, IOWA. 
" L. F. S. FOSTER,, CONN. 

On the part of the Senate. 

" E. B. WASIIBURNE, ILLINOIS. 



HON. JOHN COVODE, PENN., Treasurer. 
" E. G. SPAULDING, N. Y. 
" J. B. ALLEY, MASS. 
" DAVID KILGORE, INDIANA. 
" J. L. N. STRATTON, N. J. 

071 the part of the House of Reps. 



The Committee are prepared to furnish the following Speeches and Documents : 

The TarifT— Il.s Constilutiouality, Necessity, and Advanta- 



ElCiHT PAGES. 
The State of lUe Country— W. H. Seward. 
*' Irrepressible ConUici"— W. H. Sewurd. 
Free Homes for Free Men — G. A. Grow. 
Slmll the Territories be Africanized— James Harlan. 
Who have Violated Comproniists — .lohii Hickman. 
Inva-sion of Harper's Ferry — B. F. Wade. 
The Spciikershiii — G. W. Scrantou and J. H. Campbell. 
Colonization and Commerce- F. P. Blair. 
Oeueral Politics — Orris S. Ferry. 

The Demands of the South— The Republican Party Vindi- 
cated — Abraham Lincoln. 
The Homestead Bill— Its Friends and its Foes— W. Windom. 
The Barbarism of Slavery— Owen Lovojoy. 
The New Dogma of the South— " Slavery a Blessing "—H. 

L. Dawes. 
The Position of Parties— R. H. Duell. 
The Homestead Bill— M. S. Wilkinson. 
Polygamy in Utah— D. W. Gooch. 
Douglas and Popular Sovereignty— Carl Schurz. 
Ijiuds for the Landless— A Tract. 
The Poor Whites of the South— The Injury done them by 

Slavery — A Tract. 
A Protective Tariff Necessary— Rights of Labor— James H. 

Campbell. 
The Fanaticism of the Democratic Party- Owen Lovejoy. 
Mission of Republicans — .Sectionalism of Modern Democ- 
racy-Robert .McKniKlil. 
Southern Sectionaliym — Jnbn Hickman. 
Freedom vs. Slavery — .l"lin Hulcbins. 
Republican Laud Policy— llnnies lor the Million— Stephen C. 

Foster. 
Tariff— Justin S. Morrill. 

Legislative Protection to the Industry of the People— Alex- 
ander H. Rice. 
Modern Democracy— Henry Waldron. 
The Territorial Slave Policy ; The Reptiblican Party ; What 

the North has to do with Slavery— Thomas D. Eliot. 
The Supreme Court of the United States— Roscoe Conkling. 
Designs of the Republican Party— Christopher Robinson. 
Address— Montgomery Blair. 

The Necessity of Protecting American Labor-^. P. Verroe. 
Pennsylvania Betrayed by the Administration — J. Schwartz. 
The Republican Party and its Princijiles — James T. Hale. 
Revenue and Expenditiin-s— .Inhii Sherman. 
The Claims of Agricull II - - l in i ; \. 
Negro tijualily- The 1 ; i " into Hold Property in 
Another— The DeniM • disunion Party— The 

Success of the Repubii. .m I'li o ili' on'.v .Salvation lor the 
Country — Benjamin Sliintou. 
Muliml Interest of the Farmer and Manufacturer— Carey A. 
Trimble. 



ges — John T. Nixon. 
Position of Parties ami Abuses of Power- Reuben E. Fcnton. 
Bill and Report Repealing the Territorial Laws of New Mexi- 

Ico — .lohn A. Bingham. 
D^mlocracy alias Slavery— James B. McKean. 

SIXTEEN PAGES. 
Seizure of Arsenals at Harper's Ferry, Va. and Liberty, 
I Mo. — Lyman Trumbull. 
I Property in the Territories— B. F. Wade. 
True Democracy — History Vindicated — C. H. Van Wyck. 
Territorial Slave Code- H. Wilson. 
John P. Hale. 
" Posting the Books between the North and the South "—J. 

J. Perry. 
The t^lhoun Revolution— Its Basis and its Progress— J. R. 

Doolittle. 
The Republican Party the Result of Southern Aggression— 

r, B S.H|.ru!.-k. 

All!,. M, . i.; ,.,-:,s— M. J. Parrott. 

Yr^u , ,:. i . !<ed— Daniel R. Goodloe. 

Th.' M , , . , > V' . 1— C. C. Washburn. 

Thuiiiu.-i Ciii v\ III .s threat Speech, Abridged. 
The Issues— The Dred Scott Decision- The Parties— Israel 
Washburn, Jun. 

TWENTY-FOUR PAGES. 
Slavery in the Territories— Jacob CoUamer. 
THIRTY-TWO PAGES. 
Thomas Corwiu's Great Speech. 

GERMAN. 

EIGHT PAGES. 
The Demands of the South— The Republican Party Vmdi- 

dicated — Abraham Lincoln 
Free Homes for Free Men— G. A. Grow. 
Shall the Territories be Africanized— James Harlan. 
Who have Violated Compromises— John Hickman. 
The Homestead Bill— Its Friends and its Foes- W. Windom 
Douglas and Popular Sovereignty— Carl Schurz. 
The Homestead Bill— M. S. Wilkinson. 
The Barbarism of Slavery— Owen Lovcyoy. 
Southern Sectionalism — John Hickman. 

SIXTEEN PAGES. 
Seizure of the Arsenals at Harper's Ferry, Va.,and Liberty, 

Mo., and in Vindication of the Republican Party — Lyman 

Trumbull. 
The State of the Country— W. H. Seward. 
Lands for the Landless— A Tract. 
Election of Speaker— H. Winter Davis. 



And all Republican Speeches as delivered. 

During the Presidential Campaign, Speeches and Documents will be supplied at the following 
reduced prices : per 100—8 pages 50 cents, IG pages $1, and larger documents m proportion. 
Address either of the above Committee. 

GEORGE HARRINGTON, Secretary. 



He 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 

II III! i 





00118959140 ^ 



